The arguments presented in this analysis are not based on numerical data alone but are supported by historical evidence and established theoretical scholarship. Through this lens, I contend that progress in racial relations becomes possible when the structures examined here are critically addressed.
White participation in activism often requires only the recognition that racial injustice exists, given that racial injustice is not a lived experience for White groups. This mediocre requirement enables Whiteness to remain centralized in the argument of race relations, i.e., holding platforms, being the faces of rallies. Supremacist systems like White supremacy already centralize whiteness; thus, when advocating against supremacist systems, it’s important to decentralize these perspectives. When society holds such a low bar for white activists, it enables individuals to appropriate POC cultural practices such as AAVE while simultaneously positioning themselves as advocates for the very communities from which they take. Advocacy for “equality to” or justice, I argue, is most accurately told from those who experience oppression. White women and men’s activism holds the space of minorities not for minorities. This is why dismantling their political and social power is necessary to advance race relations and challenge systems of supremacy.
There are countless historical examples of white activism overshadowing the voices of those who are most oppressed. In Angela Davis’s book, ‘Women, Race and Class’, she details how the Seneca Falls Convention, the first national convention of women’s rights, was centered on the struggles of White womanhood. White women, however, were the least oppressed group of women, in that their African-American counterparts were suffering from both racist oppression and sexist domination (pg. 59-61). In this case, it is important to recognize the privileged position White women occupied, as their access to resources, social networks, and institutional support enabled them to organize a convention. However, the problem with centering whiteness in any human rights movement is that the credit overextends beyond access to certain spaces and resources and, in turn, gives Whiteness the microphone, the platform, and the authority once again. Recent examples include the ‘No Kings’ protest, which was mainly centered on protesting Donald Trump and his administration’s authoritarian policies and statements; policies that largely affect policed groups in the U.S. However, discourse surrounding the No Kings protest often focused on its overwhelmingly White majority. The nuance worth considering is that those most directly targeted by oppression may have faced greater risks by attending. At the same time, these fears are not unique to this moment but are a recurring feature of nearly every political movement throughout history. The collaboration of White activists can be appreciated; however, the point remains that the oppressed should hold the platform and play major roles in organization efforts.
“The rebellions and protests that followed the murder of George Floyd may appear to be an exception to this, but one must be careful with such a conclusion. The 2020 revolt was both amazing and historic. Black-led but multi-racial, it appeared to shake the foundations of the country. In fact, the protests resulted, almost immediately, in shifts in policy by government and corporations alike. I would further argue that it contributed to the defeat of Donald Trump in the 2020 elections.” (Bill Fletcher Jr., 2026)
The notion that POC are unsuccessful in organizing locally and nationally has long been debunked. Daniel Moynihan, in his report on The Negro Family, writes about the success of African-American movements, stating Negro organizations have been, in some ways, better disciplined and better led than any in our history (pg.2). In the report, Moynihan also makes a distinction between liberty and equality, stating “many persons who would gladly die for liberty would be appalled by equality.” e.g., Lincoln freed the slaves, but they were given Liberty, not Equality. This tension between liberty and equality continues to shape contemporary understandings of political action.
“If white people don’t stand up against other white people, then the protests will not work.”
There is no evidence that all White congressions or all White groups are discussing the value of equality or equity for minority groups adequately nor accurately. The idea that the system must be dismantled by its beneficiaries is why the system remains.
I believe that the access point to activism for Whiteness should be raised, as it is and has always been mediocre. Activism should require literature reviews, frontline reporting, and keen, ground-level observation. It is important that Whiteness is not present to tell the story, but to see and read about real-life experiences in White supremacist systems from non-White counterparts. By raising the standard for what we consider activism from White communities, we may find that platforms begin to center oppressed bodies and decenter Whiteness. White activism, if not reformed, should be disenfranchised in an effort to remove the White perspective from POC and marginalized stories and experiences.
Decolonization: Challenging and dismantling systems, perspectives, and narratives that privilege White or Western norms.
Reclamation: Reclaiming narratives, histories, or identities from dominant White interpretations.
Demarginalization: Bringing marginalized perspectives to the center of analysis.
So here for this.